Monday, December 14, 2009

How The Religious Right Stole Christmas

Every holiday season, Christian conservatives moan about a "war on Christmas." Not surprisingly, this is tied to massive fundraising campaigns.

by Sandhya Bathija, Church and State:

Last holiday season, Bill O’Reilly was fuming a little bit more than usual.

The bombastic Fox News host declared that Washington Gov. Christine Gregoire had "insulted Christians all over the world” when she "allowed” a Winter Solstice display to stand next to a Christmas tree and a Nativity scene in the state’s capitol building.


But what O’Reilly failed to acknowledge in his op-ed for The Washington Times was that Gregoire was just doing her job. She was enforcing a court order that stemmed from a case between the state and O’Reilly’s friends at the Alliance Defense Fund.

The ADF, a Religious Right group, had represented a local man who wanted to erect a Nativity scene in the state capitol rotunda, forcing the state in 2007 to broaden its policy on displays.

That meant that when the next holiday season rolled around, the capitol rotunda had to be open to an atheist sign that stated, "At this season of the Winter Solstice, may reason prevail. There are no gods, no devils, no angels, no heaven or hell. There is only our natural world. Religion is but myth and superstition that hardens hearts and enslaves minds.”

Even if he was aware of those facts, O’Reilly’s rant came as little surprise.

Every year during the holiday season, right-wing pundits and Religious Right groups rally their followers by claiming there is a "war on Christmas.” These groups are outraged annually by holiday displays, parades, music and anything else that has to do with the December holiday – unless a large dollop of Christianity is included.

Last year, it got so bad in Olympia that protestors began gathering outside the Capitol demanding that the Solstice sign come down. The demonstrators attacked Gregoire, carrying signs that portrayed her as the Grinch.

The Rev. Ken Hutcherson, a Religious Right leader in the community, announced at the protest that the governor had "led the state of Washington to be the armpit of America. And I’m afraid that our governor is the one adding the offensive odor to the armpit.”


After last year’s debacle over religious symbols in the capitol rotunda, state officials have issued new permanent rules barring all nongovernment displays inside the Capitol campus building.

The Washington Department of General Administration signed off on the policy after listening to testimony at hearings in September. Dennis Mansker, Americans United’s South Sound Chapter president, supported the proposed changes and provided suggestions for how the state should handle temporary displays on Capitol grounds.

"We do not need a repeat of last year’s holiday display embarrassment,” he said. "Though we support free speech, we all learned the potential hazards of an open public forum. Our Capitol building should be used to carry out the people’s business, which includes allowing people to petition their lawmakers. But space is limited, thus a prohibition on unattended displays makes perfect sense.”

Despite the ban on displays inside the Capitol rotunda, the new policy still allows religious displays outside the Capitol campus buildings, which could move last year’s dispute to the outdoors, Mansker said.

"As far as the new rule goes, I think it hasn’t really solved anything,” he said. "Now there will be Nativity scenes outside the Capitol building, which I think makes the problem worse. Outdoor displays are by their nature more visible and therefore much more likely to give the impression that the state is supporting religion.”

Situations like this are not isolated. As early as October this year, a Michigan resident claimed religious persecution because the government would not permit him to erect a stand-alone Nativity scene on public land.

John Satawa claims he has placed the crèche on the median of a public road in Warren, Mich., for decades. Last year, Warren’s road commission rejected the Nativity scene because Satawa had not requested a permit. This year, when he asked ahead of time, he was officially turned down because the tableau "clearly displays a religious message” and would violate the First Amendment.

Satawa, represented by the Religious Right’s Thomas More Law Center, filed a lawsuit challenging the city’s decision.

"Every Christmas holiday,” said Richard Thompson, Center president and chief counsel, "militant atheists, acting like the Taliban, use the phrase ‘separation of church and state,’ – nowhere found in our Constitution – as a means of intimidating municipalities and schools into removing expressions celebrating Christmas, a national holiday.

"Their goal is to cleanse our public square of all Christian symbols,” he continued. "However, the grand purpose of our Founding Fathers and the First Amendment was to protect religion, not eliminate it.”

Over the years, Americans United for Separation of Church and State has urged government officials to remember the Constitution when dealing with holiday displays. AU’s legal department has sent letters to numerous city and county overnments advising them on the law regarding crèches on public land.

Expert advice about Nativity scenes is important because the law governing such displays is far from straightforward thanks to two U.S. Supreme Court decisions: Lynch v. Donnelly and City of Allegheny v. ACLU.

The 1984 Lynch case involved Pawtucket, R.I., which erected a Christmas display in a park. It included a Santa Claus house, reindeer pulling Santa’s sleigh, candy-striped poles, a Christmas tree, carolers, some cut-out shapes of a clown, elephant and teddy bear, colored lights and a large banner that read "Seasons Greetings.” The city also included a depiction of the birth of Jesus within this display.


City residents and the local ACLU filed a lawsuit to challenge the inclusion of the crèche, which consisted of the infant Jesus, Mary and Joseph, angels, shepherds, wise men and animals. The high court, in a 5-4 decision, upheld the Nativity scene as constitutional. Because the display was accompanied by other secular holiday symbols, the court majority reasoned, it did not constitute a government endorsement of religion.

Chief Justice Warren Burger, writing for the court, said the city had "principally taken note of a significant historical religious event long celebrated in the Western World. The crèche in the display depicts the historical origins of this traditional event long recognized as a National holiday.”

The Burger court’s decision was praised by the Rev. Jerry Falwell, who said, "This ruling portends good things for the future.”

Falwell’s then lieutenant, Cal Thomas, echoed that sentiment, claiming the high court had removed "religious Americans from second-class citizenship.”

Civil liberties groups were disappointed but received some better news five years later in the Allegheny decision. For the first time the high court stated definitively that religious symbols standing alone at public buildings violate church-state separation.

The court considered two religious displays: a freestanding Nativity scene on the steps of a Pennsylvania courthouse and an 18-foot menorah outside the nearby city-county building, which was part of a display that included secular holiday symbols, such as a 45-foot Christmas tree.

The justices upheld the menorah. Writing for the court, Justice Harry A. Blackmun said, "The necessary result of placing a menorah next to a Christmas tree is to create an ‘overall holiday setting’ that represents both Christmas and Chanukah – two holidays, not one.” (See "When Symbols Clash,” September 1989 Church & State.)

But the crèche standing alone took things too far, Blackmun held.

"There is no doubt, of course, that the crèche itself is capable of communicating a religious message,” he wrote. "Unlike in Lynch, nothing in the context of the display detracts from the crèche’s religious message.

"Lynch teaches that government may celebrate Christmas in some manner and form, but not in a way that endorses Christian doctrine,” he continued. "Here, Allegheny County has transgressed this line. It has chosen to celebrate Christmas in a way that has the effect of endorsing a patently Christian message: Glory to God for the birth of Jesus Christ.”

These leading Supreme Court rulings have led to confusion about whether a Nativity scene can stand on public land.

That’s why almost every year, disputes over crèches are inevitable.

But it doesn’t just stop with religious symbols. Religious Right groups find any means possible to stir up controversy over Christmas, trying to push "Christian nation” propaganda and arguing that civil liberties groups are censoring religious speech.

Catholic League President Bill Donohue issued a press release on Nov. 3 of this year headlined "War on Christmas Commences.” In the release, he cited several instances, not just those regarding crèche displays, showcasing how "cultural fascists” have tried to ruin Christmas 2009.

One of those instances involved a tree on the Capitol lawn in Frankfort, Ky. Gov. Steve Beshear initially dubbed a giant evergreen there as a "holiday tree,” instead of a Christmas tree, angering some Christians in the state.

The Rev. Jeff Fugate of Lexington said changing the tree’s name offends Christians, and Republican Senate President David Williams said the governor was putting political correctness above Kentucky values.

In response to Religious Right criticism, the governor issued a statement inviting people to a "Christmas tree” lighting ceremony. A spokeswoman said Beshear always meant for it to be a "Christmas tree.”

A similar dispute over a parade in Amelia, Ohio, has also angered Religious Right activists this holiday season. For 28 years, the Amelia Business Association had sponsored the parade, but this year, the organization wanted to hand over that responsibility to the village government.

Village Solicitor Laura Abrams said that since the parade was being put on with government funds, it could no longer be called a Christmas parade and changed the name to "A Holiday Parade.”

Churches told the village they would boycott the parade because of the name change and some people threatened to hold demonstrations. A local township even said it would not participate in the parade and would close a portion of the parade route that ran through the township.

"Understandably,” said Donohue, "this dishonest scheme created a furor, the result being – just to play it safe – there will be no parade.”

In the past, this anger over "censoring Christmas” has led to massive fundraising campaigns for right-wing organizations. In years past, the Alliance Defense Fund sold "Christmas Packs” for $29 apiece, each consisting of a three-page legal memo and two lapel pins.

Liberty Counsel, an adjunct of the late Jerry Falwell’s empire, and the Rev. Donald Wildmon’s American Family Association provided a "Help Save Christmas Action Pack,” selling buttons that say, "I ♥ Christmas.” The buttons are available again this year through the group’s Web site.

Liberty Counsel, now headed by Liberty University Law School Dean Mat Staver, has also put together a "Naughty and Nice” list of retailers, based on the language stores use in their holiday marketing materials. The group recommends boycotts against stores that use "Happy Holidays” rather than "Merry Christmas.”

After so many years, it comes as no surprise that every November, there is bound to be a new tactic put forth by the Religious Right to "save” Christmas. A California woman has come up with the latest.

Merry Susan Hyatt, a 61-year-old substitute teacher, has proposed a California ballot initiative that would require public schools to offer religious carols at Christmas. The measure states, "Each public elementary and secondary school shall provide opportunities to its pupils of listening to or performing Christmas music at an appropriate time of year.”

Hyatt said she was shocked by a holiday celebration at a school where she was a substitute.

"We were having Christmas without Jesus,” she told New America Foundation, describing her surprise that a school can prohibit the singing of religiously themed music at school performances, including winter recitals.

Hyatt said she isn’t much concerned about people of other faiths who may take offense at the Christian music. As a substitute teacher, Hyatt said she primarily works in heavily Latino, largely Christian neighborhoods in Southern California.

"I don’t think I’ve ever had a Jewish child in one of my classes,” she told The New York Times. "If so, they never said anything.”

Hyatt will need 434,000 valid signatures by March 29 to put the initiative on the November 2010 ballot – meaning, the Religious Right has a new project to play up.


In the meantime, these groups are sure to keep fighting for unconstitutional religious displays on public land, as well as complaining about the use of the word "holiday” instead of "Christmas,” among other grievances.

In response, AU will continue to keep church and state separate during the holiday season, just as it does throughout the year.

"Christmas and the Constitution can easily co-exist,” said the Rev. Barry W. Lynn, Americans United executive director. "We are simply urging government officials to follow the law, which bars government from promoting one religious faith over others.

"If officials decide to put up holiday decorations at Christmas,” he continued, "they must do so in a way that does not give government support to Christianity. America is an incredibly diverse nation, and government should never send the message that one faith is the officially preferred one.”

Sunday, December 13, 2009

The Truth, The Whole Truth, And Nothing But The Truth

A Christmas Eve Call To Catholic Action

Will you please consider sending this call to Catholic action to all your Catholic friends and relatives?

from Father Tony of the Farmboyz:

Did you know that the mistreatment of women, married men and gay men by the Catholic bishops is really the same issue?

I began to realize this while thinking about why the struggle for gay equality in America seems to be failing.


Recent losses in California, Maine and New York have left gay activist leaders arguing about what exactly went wrong. Those battles have, however, made clear the identity of an aggressive enemy of the gay community, the bishops of the Roman Catholic Church.

To please the Pope, the American Catholic bishops have pooled financial resources to overcome marriage equality. They have threatened the cessation of social services and have bound their flock to the belief that God demands that marriage be exclusively between one man and one woman. They have mandated the taking up of collections to support their battle against marriage equality.

These bishops also believe that women are not good enough in the eyes of God to be ordained priests. These bishops also believe that married men are not good enough in the eyes of God to be ordained priests. These bishops also believe that gay men are not good enough to be ordained priests (a particularly curious belief given the huge gay portion of their own ranks).


Now is the time for Catholic women, married men, gay men, and all their Catholic friends and relatives to band together and to end this nonsense. You have the ability to gain your rights if you will realize that these bishops no longer speak for God in this matter. They have gone astray and are misleading you. In your hearts you know this to be true.

You can rectify this situation by holding back your financial support until women, married men and gay men all have equal access to the Catholic priesthood. Do you understand how critically important your financial support is to the life of the Roman Catholic Church in America? Do you understand what would happen if, as a group, you turned off the financial faucet? There would be a panic among those bishops and soon they would find a way to announce that the Holy Spirit has revealed a new truth; that women and married men and gay men deserve equal places in the church and are all worthy of the priesthood. The threat of bankruptcy can be a fast route to holy wisdom.


I am suggesting that on Christmas Eve, all Roman Catholics in America refrain from giving money when the collection basket is passed, and that you continue that restraint until your God-given rights are granted.

I am also suggesting that you consider placing a small pebble in the collection basket as a clear message to your bishops. Your priests who are torn between believing in your equality and their sworn obedience to the bishops might send those pebbles to those bishops just as they do a good portion of the money you routinely give them. And remember, those bishops have already cast the first stone. All you would be doing is politely returning it to them.

The Roman Catholic Church in America is at a crossroads. There will soon be either a healthy enlightenment or a rapid withering. Catholic women, married men and gay men who understand that their bishops are speaking for the Pope rather than for Jesus Christ in this matter will save their Church if they act together. Christmas Eve is the perfect time to start.

I am urging you to refrain from financial support as an act of love for your church. I do not want to see the Catholic Church destroyed by a generation of bishops who are confused and in need of your intervention. They will someday thank you for doing what they could not do.

Will you please consider forwarding this call to Catholic action to all your Catholic friends and relatives?

Saturday, December 12, 2009

Study: LGBT People Suffer More Anxiety, Depression In States With Fewer Gay Rights

from LGBT News:

A study in this month’s American Journal of Public Health found that LGBT people in states that don’t have LGBT-inclusive employment or hate crimes protections suffer higher rates of psychiatric conditions such as anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and dysthymia (depression).

The study concludes, “Policies that reduce discrimination against gays and lesbians are urgently needed to protect the health and well-being of this population.”

Pass The Employment Non-Discrimination Act NOW!



Focused On Bigotry and Hate

Anti-Gay Group Attacks Santa Play In New York

from Truth Wins Out:

Under the leadership of James Dobson, Focus on the Family was infamous for distorting the work of researchers, earning it the nickname, “Focus on the Fallacies”.


Then, the organization was labeled, “Focus on the Foolishness” after Dobson suggested that Sponge Bob was gay. (Yes, the cartoon sponge that lived in a pineapple under the sea)

We must also remember, “Focus on the Fairytale”, the name given the organization after I photographed its “ex-gay” leader John Paulk in a gay bar.

With Dobson retiring, however, it is clear that Focus on the Family is adrift and searching for a new mission. It may have found one in its blistering attack on the play “Santa Claus is Coming Out”.

Instead of helping real families in a time of economic upheaval, the right wing organization is in a tizzy over this comedy that poses the serious question: “What if Santa Claus were actually gay?”

By using an imaginary icon, we can explore how people would react if a real superstar, such as a politician, athlete, or leading man in Hollywood came out of the closet. Given the stereotypes and prejudice against GLBT people, this is a legitimate subject well worth exploring.

Unfortunately, Focus on the Family provides the answer by exploiting this issue for political gain and distorting the essence of the production. The Gay, Lesbian, Straight, Education Network (GLSEN) will also benefit from a charity performance of “Santa Claus is Coming Out”, giving Focus on the Family further reason to misrepresent the play, as they did in its bigot blog Citizenlink.

In a story headlined “GLSEN Fundraiser Sexualizes Santa”, the group claims that the comedy, “perverts the innocence of Christmas and sexualizes the longtime, child-revered icon of Santa Claus.” The group went on to claspongebobim that the goal of Santa Claus is Coming Out is to, “desensitize kids and attack parents’ God-given rights to protect their innocence.”


Interestingly, Focus on the Family had no such concern about “innocence” when it heedlessly and needlessly “outed” Sponge Bob a few years ago to millions of youth. Until Dobson spoke, who knew that Bob’s pineapple was a gay bar that made divine tropical drinks?

The charges leveled against Santa Is Coming Out are ludicrous, if not libelous. In an interview with Instinct Magazine, Playwright Jeffrey Solomon rebutted Focus on the Family’s bogus charges.

“We have not marketed this play with sex,” said Solomon. “The play is not about sex. The play simply asks a hypothetical question: ‘How would the world react, if Mrs. Claus were revealed to be a beard, and that Santa Claus was actually a gay man?’ The very mention or the image of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered people is not automatically sexual, unless you are viewing them with sex-tinted glasses.”


Solomon is correct to say that Focus on the Family is choosing to sexualize a non-sexual comedy in order to rile up its batty base. What the group means when it says parents have “God-given rights to protect their (childrens’) innocence,” is that fundamentalist Christians are superior to the rest of us. That they have the unique “right” to censor and silence people who disagree with their “Valuless Traditions” disguised as “Traditional Values”.

Sorry, but in America GLBT families are a positive reality and they will not just disappear or hide because hate groups are opposed to their very existence. Indeed, it is poor parenting to instill prejudice in young people and preach intolerance in the name of religious belief. America’s youth should be taught to respect all people and be presented with a realistic view of our nation’s diverse families. To do otherwise is irresponsible and a failure to prepare a child to succeed in the world.


Isn’t it time that Focus on the Family take its huge budget of more that $125 million and help real families stay together? Has this group done anything substantive to address the divorce rate in America? Has it stopped child or spousal abuse? Has this wealthy organization increased living wages so families can afford to stay together?

Nope.

Instead it wastes precious time and money on petty, media-friendly pet issues that play well to frothing fundamentalists who get worked into a lather and then donate what little money they have left over from their paychecks.

By attacking this play, Focus on the Family has earned a new nickname: “Focus on the Frivolous.”

I applaud Jeffrey Solomon and director Joe Brancato for producing a play that will make people think, which is a heck of a lot more than Focus on the Family is asking of its followers.

If you are in New York City, “Santa Claus is Coming Out” is running until Dec. 20 at the Kirk Theater (410 West 42nd Street). Tickets can be ordered by calling 212-279-4200. (www.ticketcentral.com)

Friday, December 11, 2009

Quebec Announces Anti-Homophobia Policy

This news from Canada is something we can aspire to here in Venango County and throughout the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. All it takes is a little organizing, education, and action and we'll get there.

from LGBT News:

The provincial government is hailing it as a first in Canada and North America.


Friday morning Quebec's Justice Minister Kathleen Weil announced an official provincial policy against homophobia, with a wide-reaching series of measures to fight anti-gay discrimination.

They include recognizing the equality of sexual minorities, promoting the rights and wellness of the gay and lesbian community, and making the fight against homophobia a priority in public institutions.

However this policy is not an action plan, and does not contain any concrete steps for enforcement.

Weil announced that a ministerial committee will be formed by the end of January to deal with those issues.

PFLAG Northwest Pennsylvania Meeting on Monday Dec. 14 in Erie

Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG) provides opportunity for dialogue about sexual orientation and gender identity, and acts to create a society that is healthy and respectful of human diversity.

PFLAG promotes the health and well-being of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender persons, their families and friends through: support, to cope with an adverse society; education, to enlighten an ill-informed public; and advocacy, to end discrimination and to secure equal civil rights.

Hope you can make the meeting on this upcoming Monday, December 14, 2009. 7:00pm-8:30pm.

End of year wrap up, membership renewals, socializing, and support.

Your Local PFLAG Chapter meets:
7:00pm-8:30pm
Every 2nd Monday at the Unitarian Universalist Congregation of Erie (UUCE)
7180 Perry Highway
Erie, PA
Local Contact:
(814) 454-1392 (John)
Email: pflag.erie.crawford@gmail.com
Visit PFLAG National's Website: www.pflag.org

Keep Pennsylvania Kids In School

By Harold Jordan, ACLU of Pennsylvania

Yesterday, the Dignity in Schools Campaign (DSC) released its National Resolution for Ending School Pushout. What is "school pushout," and why is it a national problem? Many students are pushed out of schools by harsh disciplinary practices that favor exclusionary strategies like the over-use of suspension and expulsion, and create unwelcoming environments for students. When young people — often those who need the most support — are pushed out of school, they essentially lose their right to an education.

The resolution is a call to action for our school systems. It is an attempt to reframe the debate about school climate and discipline from one that favors the punishment and exclusion of children to one based on human rights.

I don't normally get too excited by bold statements about social problems. This one feels different, though. The National Resolution for Ending School Pushout is not an empty statement, but a call for a real change in our schools. The resolution goes beyond decrying the trend toward pushout to propose positive steps that can be taken to help make it possible for young people to remain on track to complete their education.

For those of us deeply engaged in work in Pennsylvania's schools, the resolution could not be released at a more critical moment. In October of 2008, the school district of Philadelphia adopted a "zero tolerance" policy under which expulsions have escalated dramatically.

Across the state, approximately 30,000 students are placed in more than 600 "alternative education for disruptive youth" programs each year. Relatively little is known about these individual programs and the experiences of the students in them.

In Philadelphia, many students are transferred to alternative schools without an opportunity to contest the charges against them. Many wait for up to six months for a decision to be made about their future. Some are ultimately exonerated, but by that time, they have been out of their regular schools for so long that catching up is difficult if not impossible. In the 2008-09 school year, 193 expulsion hearings were held, up from zero in the previous year; 166 students were ultimately expelled by the School Reform Commission (our school board). The current school year began with 90 students in limbo awaiting hearings from last school year.

The resolution calls for a different approach to creating peaceful and respectful environment in schools. It urges schools to adopt proven alternative disciplinary approaches such as positive behavior supports and restorative practices. Furthermore, it urges that the rights of students, parents and guardians be treated with respect in all school processes.

Finally, the resolution calls on public officials and school administrators to provide teachers and school staff with the support needed to bring about these changes.

One thing is certain: keeping young people engaged with school is the best thing we as a society can do.

Thursday, December 10, 2009

The Story Behind "Curing The Gays"

Mark Benjamin, national correspondent for Salon.com, describes for MSNBC's Rachel Maddow what he learned reporting undercover on the "ex-gay" movement.

Here in Venango County, Jane Richey and her "Christian" radio station WAWN are fervent proponents of the crackpot, dangerous, sometimes deadly, "ex-gay" theory.


Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

Open For Business

By Rev. Richard A. Moyer, Erie Community United Church, for the Erie Gay News:

My grandfather was an amateur philosopher of sorts. With pithy sayings and humorous stories he had the ability to give wise advice. Many times, in my life, I have relied upon his wisdom to get me through.


Sometimes though, I have been skeptical about some of his old sayings, believing them to be more fiction than fact. One example was his belief that “sometimes unexpected blessings seem to just fall out of the sky.” I’ve never been one to be that optimistic about life. My belief is that good things come to those who work hard and plan ahead; but, every once in a while, I’m reminded that my grandfather may have had a point. Good surprises do happen!

Recently a great opportunity for our church did seem to appear out of nowhere. Will Koehler, a member of our congregation who is also active with LGBT issues in Erie, came to me with a proposal to set up a counseling center in our church building. He, a Licensed Clinical Social Worker (LCSW) who has had extensive experience in child, adolescent and family therapy, would have an office at our church. Along with the partner in his practice, Liz Stroup, also an LCSW with vast experience, a counseling service would be provided to address counseling issues from a Christian faith perspective.

Our church council enthusiastically endorsed the proposal, and now we are pleased to announce that Family United Counseling will be located in our church building at 1011 W 38th Street, Erie.


Family United Counseling offers confidential counseling in depression, anxiety, sexual abuse, GLB issues, as well as other individual and family concerns. They also offer therapeutic workshops, retreats and seminars. Will and Liz can be reached at 547-4837 or by calling the church office at 864-4429. Appointments can be made Monday thru Friday from 9:00am to 8:00pm and on Saturday from 9:00am to 1:00pm.

I am excited about endorsing this counseling center, and I encourage your consideration of their services if the need arises.

Richard A Moyer is Pastor of the Community United Church, an open and affirming congregation and a member of United Church of Christ and Church of the Brethren denomination. The church is located at 1011 W38th St. in Erie. Services are Sunday at 11am. (814) 864-4429. Web site is http://www.uccwebsites.net/commuceriepa.html

Wednesday, December 9, 2009

Not In Our Town!

Over a decade ago, one town took a stand against hate and intolerance. Their story helped launch a national movement: Not In Our Town.



You can join them! Learn more at Not In Our Time!

A Lesson For Venango County's Franklin High School

Principal George Forster Is Alleged By Many Students And Parents To Be The Root Of The Problem At Franklin High School With Regard To Lack Of Equal Treatment For ALL Students, Particularly Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Students And Students Of Color

Maybe This Example From Massachusetts Will Help Urge Him, And The School Board That Condones His Behavior, To Fulfill The Obligations Of Their Positions

SCHOOL EMBRACES GAY-THEMED MUSICAL


By Nancy Shohet West for THE BOSTON GLOBE:

Peter Atlas always thought Concord-Carlisle Regional High School was open to diversity, but when he put out his casting call for the musical “Falsettos’’ he had doubts about the turnout.

How many teenagers would audition for a show about two homosexual couples, a straight couple, and a 12-year-old boy?


Dozens, he learned. When it came time to cast the seven-member ensemble, Atlas had his pick from among around 50 candidates from across the student body.

“I can’t begin to tell you how proud I am of our administration for supporting this show,’’ said Atlas, a math teacher and sometime theatrical director. “To say I was surprised would be to underestimate them, but I can tell you I was delighted.’’

As Atlas and his cast prepare to open “Falsettos’’ this Friday, they may be making high school theatrical history.

The musical, co-written by Natick native William Finn and James Lapine, won two Tony awards after its 1992 debut. But according to Brad Lohrenz, director of licensing at the agency that handles Finn’s royalties, Concord-Carlisle is the first public high school in the country to produce the show for an outside audience.

“I can’t quite believe that a public high school is doing this,’’ Finn said last week. “It seems either very brave or very stupid to me. But honestly, it’s wonderful that this is being done. It makes me think that high school must be a much more civilized place than it was when I was a student.’’

But it doesn’t surprise the cast members that their school is the one to break new ground in this way. They say they have all grown up in an environment that welcomes diversity of all kinds, including sexual orientation.

“Among most groups here, it’s widely accepted, just another thing that the person is, and not something negative. A characteristic, like having blue eyes,’’ said stage manager Ben Marsh. “There will always be a few jerks who think it’s not OK, but that’s to be expected. This play definitely discourages stereotypes and serves as an information source.’’

“Falsettos’’ tells the story of Marvin, a married man who decides to leave his wife to begin a new life with his male lover, and the effect that decision has on his own family as well as two other couples, one lesbian and one heterosexual.

Sophomore Hannah Kilcoyne plays 12-year-old Jason, Marvin’s son, in Concord-Carlisle’s production, and for her the performance holds significance beyond what she ever expected to find in a high school musical.

“Jason’s family story is really similar to my family story,’’ said Kilcoyne, who experienced the divorce that resulted from her mother’s coming out as a lesbian.

“Now I’m up on stage portraying something that is very normal to me but will educate other people about different families and different lives. There are so many kids who might feel left out of the story line of the average high school play but can recognize themselves in this one.’’

For senior Kailey Pryor, the play has been a learning experience.

“Growing up in Concord, you get the message that people here are really liberal, but a lot of kids haven’t really had that much experience with actual issues,’’ Pryor said. “At one of our first rehearsals, Mr. Atlas talked to us about the gay rights movement and how AIDS affected the gay community, and that was eye-opening. I’ve always said I’m pro-gay rights because those are the values in my family, but being in the show has taught me a lot more about what that means.’’

In Atlas’s experience, Concord-Carlisle has been ahead of the curve for public high schools in terms of its openness to diversity. He witnessed it first when he came out as a gay man to colleagues and students in the early 1990s, and has seen it develop further in the two decades since, through the work and outreach of the school’s Gay-Straight Alliance, which he started there.

Still, he was moved by principal Peter Badalament’s openness to the show and how the school has received the project.

Atlas recalls the conversation he had with the two boys who play the gay male leads. “I told them that if they play their parts successfully, the audience will confuse them and their characters, which is to say, people will assume they’re gay or they never would have been able to play the part so convincingly,’’ Atlas said. “They understood that and assured me it wasn’t a problem for them. I’m amazed and delighted at how cavalier these kids are. It’s so not an issue.’’


Two years ago, Acton-Boxborough Regional High School staged “The Laramie Project,’’ an acclaimed drama documenting the aftermath of the murder of a gay college student in Laramie, Wyo.

Acton-Boxborough drama teacher Linda Potter found herself and her students on the front lines of controversy when members of the Kansas-based Westboro Baptist Church, which is known for protests against homosexuality, picketed outside the school.

“All they did was bring us more attention and a larger audience,’’ said Potter.

Concord-Carlisle has not escaped notice for its staging of “Falsettos.’’ The play caught the attention of MassResistance.org, a grass-roots activist group in Massachusetts, whose online newsletter recently ran a headline saying “Concord-Carlisle High School presenting depraved homosexual musical.’’

Atlas and the students involved with the performance say they know of no active dissent within the Concord-Carlisle community concerning the musical, though a small number of boys withdrew their interest after the first round of auditions.

For senior Zander Ansara, playing a man who leaves his wife for a male lover is a far cry from Ansara’s last theatrical role - Danny Zuko in a seventh-grade production of “Grease.’’

Ansara said he tried out for “Falsettos’’ only because he didn’t make the soccer team this fall and had a lot of time on his hands.

“My friends don’t make fun of me for playing a gay character,’’ he said. “They just make fun of me for being in a play.’’

Tuesday, December 8, 2009

The Pennsylvania Governor's Campaign - It's Time To Get Involved!

The Ed Rendell years are winding down in Harrisburg. Who’s going to be Pennsylvania’s next governor?


For Democrats, who have five candidates in the race, the numbers are on their side, but history isn’t. For the past 50 years, Republicans and Democrats have swapped hold of the Governor’s Residence, so the trend says the pendulum will swing back to Republicans in 2010. Still, the number of registered Democrats in the state outnumber registered Republicans by 1.2 million.

In anticipation of both the Democratic and GOP gubernatorial primaries, the eight announced candidates are starting to pick up the pace and the volume on their campaigns.

On Nov. 17, Attorney General Tom Corbett and U.S. Rep. Jim Gerlach were joined in the battle for the GOP nomination by state Rep. Sam Rohrer. The conservative will expand the dialogue in a party rippling from an identity crisis. For the Democrats, two Pittsburgh natives — Allegheny County Executive Dan Onorato and Auditor General Jack Wagner — want Rendell’s job. Many insiders wonder if they will create a territorial split of primary voters, thus aiding the chances of Philadelphia businessman Tom Knox, Scranton Mayor Chris Doherty and Montgomery County Commissioner Joe Hoeffel.

“All the candidates will have to say how they will deal with a recessionary economy — jobs, taxes and policies,” said Franklin & Marshall pollster G. Terry Madonna. “What will they expand and what will they cut and how will they pay for government, regardless of their backgrounds?”

Here is a rundown of the gubernatorial field. We’ve enlisted three analysts for their insight into the candidates: Madonna; campaign strategist Larry Ceisler, of Ceisler & Jubiler; and Muhlenberg College political analyst Chris Borick.

It is extremely important that Pennsylvanians who believe in justice, dignity, respect, and human rights for all get involved in this campaign. we can make a difference if we speak out, organize, and participate like our lives depended on it, because they do.

Learn about the candidates HERE.

Monday, December 7, 2009

Promoting Hatred Under The Guise Of Loving Jesus - Sound Familiar To Folks In Venango County?

Cult of Conservative Christian GOPers Backs Death Penalty for Gays With HIV

By Stephen Webster, AlterNet:

The African nation of Uganda is weighing a bill that would impose the death penalty on HIV positive men who have committed what it calls "aggravated homosexuality."

As if that were not shocking enough, a U.S. author is claiming that a secretive group of American politicians appear to be a driving force in seeing the proposal become law.


The Anti-Homosexuality Bill 2009, heavily supported by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, was first read in October, triggering a wave of condemnation. According to the gay blog Queerty, Joann Lockard, public affairs officer at the Kampala, Uganda embassy, said the law would "constitute a significant step backwards for the protection of human rights in Uganda."

She added: "We urge states to take all necessary measures to ensure that sexual orientation or gender identity may under no circumstances be the basis for criminal penalties, in particular executions, arrests, or detention."

While that condemnation by a U.S. official would seem reflexive, others in U.S. political circles are providing financial and political support for the bill's sponsors, according to author Jeff Sharlet.

Sharlet's book "The Family" is an investigative look at a secretive group of fundamentalist Christian lawmakers in Washington, D.C. In a recent interview with NPR's Terry Gross, he broke the news that The Family's influence in Uganda is rife.

"[The] legislator that introduced the bill, a guy named David Bahati, is a member of The Family," he said. "He appears to be a core member of The Family. He works, he organizes their Ugandan National Prayer Breakfast and oversees a African sort of student leadership program designed to create future leaders for Africa, into which The Family has poured millions of dollars working through a very convoluted chain of linkages passing the money over to Uganda."

And how did Sharlet discover the connection? "You follow [the] money," he said. You look at their archives. You do interviews where you can. It's not so invisible anymore. So that's how working with some research colleagues we discovered that David Bahati, the man behind this legislation, is really deeply, deeply involved in The Family's work in Uganda, that the ethics minister of Uganda, Museveni's kind of right-hand man, a guy named Nsaba Buturo, is also helping to organize The Family's National Prayer Breakfast. And here's a guy who has been the main force for this Anti-Homosexuality Act in Uganda's executive office and has been very vocal about what he's doing, in a rather extreme and hateful way. But these guys are not so much under the influence of The Family. They are, in Uganda, The Family."

Under current Ugandan law, homosexuality is a crime punishable by life in prison. The proposed law would not just condemn HIV positive gay men and "repeat offenders" to death, it would also jail for three years anyone who knows a gay man but refuses to report them to authorities. Further, anyone who defends in public the rights of gays and lesbians would be subjected to a seven year prison term.

In his NPR interview, Sharlet said the bill would "very likely" pass and become Ugandan law. He added that the nation's president, whom he called a "dictator," has long been in The Family's fold.

"The Family identified [Museveni] back in 1986 as a key man for Africa," he said. "They wanted to steer him away from neutrality or leftist sympathies and bring him into conservative American alliances, and they were able to do so. They've since promoted Uganda as this bright spot - as I say, as this bright spot for African democracy, despite the fact that under their tutelage, Museveni has slowly shifted away from any even veneer of democracy: imprisoning journalists, tampering with elections, supporting - strongly supporting this Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2009."


Canada and the U.K. have been leading the international charge against the proposed law, with both prime ministers Gordon Brown and Stephen Harper condemning it.

"Addressing the Commonwealth People’s Forum, Stephen Lewis, the former UN envoy on Aids in Africa, said that the Bill made a mockery of Commonwealth principles," the Times Online reported. "Nothing is as stark, punitive and redolent of hate as the Bill in Uganda," Lewis said.

"We needn't tell you: The implications are dire," opined Queerty. "It's not abnormal for foreign heads of state, like Museveni, to have ties to American politicos. But he's deeply routed in a secretive organization that promotes hatred under the guise of loving Jesus. And the very people — America's elected officials who believe in human rights — we would expect to pressure Uganda's lawmakers not to make such a bill law are turning out to be its biggest supporters."

Sunday, December 6, 2009

Old-Style Bigotry (from Western Penna.) Doesn't Fly In The Nation's Capitol

from Pittsburgh Post-Gazette:

Three years after he left Pittsburgh, Catholic Archbishop Donald Wuerl, of Washington, D.C., faces a harsh glare from the capital's media as he seeks a broad religious exemption to a proposed city same-sex marriage law.


Without such an exemption, he has warned, Catholic Charities will stop accepting city money so it won't be required to offer employment benefits and adoption services to same-sex couples.

His stand surprised some Washingtonians, but it's deja vu for Pittsburghers. The Mount Washington native, who was bishop here for 18 years, won a similar showdown with Pittsburgh City Council months after his 1988 installation. Two years before that he received scorching national news coverage as an auxiliary bishop in Seattle. He says he can still take the heat.

"I guess the lining of my clerical vesture is asbestos," he said.

In 1988 he sought changes to a proposed gay-rights bill in Pittsburgh that he said would force faith groups to hire workers who led lifestyles in conflict with their teaching. That bill failed, but two years later he did not oppose a version with religious-neutrality language. That bill passed, despite continued opposition from some Protestants.

He wants a similar compromise in Washington. But that city lacks Pittsburgh's Catholic culture. Washington is perhaps 20 percent Catholic, while Pittsburgh is about 60 percent.

"The Catholicism of Pittsburgh is wrapped into the city's broader identity. ... None of that is true in D.C.," said Gary Gates, a demographer with the Williams Institute at UCLA, a gay-rights think tank.

The leading clergy in Washington is black Protestants, many of whom opposed this bill before the archbishop joined them.

"We urged him to get involved in the battle," said the Rev. Patrick Walker, pastor of The New Macedonia Baptist Church and chairman of the task force on same-sex marriage for the metro area's Missionary Baptist Ministers Conference.

Catholics "are able to hold the council's feet to the fire because of their contracts. My church doesn't have large contracts with the city, but what I think we can hold over their head are votes."

Archbishop Wuerl said that as soon as the draft became public, he called the councilman who authored it.

"I said I hoped we would be able to address the needs of everybody involved and to do so in a way that demonstrated the civility that should mark political discourse," Archbishop Wuerl said.

He said that was derailed by headlines accusing him of issuing ultimatums that threatened the poor. A take-no-prisoners political culture sets Washington apart from Pittsburgh, he said.

"I always found that, even in disagreement, in Pittsburgh there was always a high level of personal respect. It's not as evident here," he said.

During the gay-rights dispute in Pittsburgh, he said, he met with gay activists in his office.

"It didn't turn into some kind of uncivil confrontation," he said. "I gave them the reasons why we thought there should be an exemption, they disagreed and everybody went their way. ... I don't think they felt the need to distort what we were saying."

Last week, when a key lobbyist for same-sex marriage was asked about the archbishop's stand, Michael Crawford said he "came out with the statement that they'd be unable to continue social services to the poor if we ended discrimination against gay and lesbian families."

Questioned on the accuracy of that summary, he quickly revised it to "they said they won't accept city money." Either way, he doubts the council will compromise.

Some clergy support the bill, including Dennis and Christine Wiley, co-pastors of Covenant Baptist Church, and members of D.C. Clergy United for Marriage. The archbishop should have engaged months earlier if he wanted to make an impact, Dennis Wiley said.

"To me it seemed like it was 11th hour," he said.

The bill won a preliminary vote, 11-2, on Tuesday.

Religious conservatives aren't alone in expressing concern about D.C. government's intrusion into religious matters. A representative of the American Civil Liberties Union urged stronger religious protections to withstand litigation. Six constitutional scholars submitted a draft exemption modeled on same-sex marriage laws in Vermont, New Hampshire and Connecticut. The archdiocese did likewise.

The bill's supporters say the archbishop should compromise as the Archdiocese of San Francisco did on domestic partnerships in 1997. While it wouldn't explicitly offer benefits to same-sex partners, the church offered them to a second adult in the household, regardless of relationship.

But Archbishop Wuerl said the San Francisco bill didn't create a theological obstacle by redefining marriage.

"The struggle today is for the church to sustain religious liberty," he said. "If you're talking about legal arrangements and sharing benefits, I think you can find a way to make that work. But when you must redefine marriage, we have to say we can't. You have to make room for us to define marriage as it has always been defined."

The Rev. Thomas Reese, a political scientist at Georgetown University's Woodstock Theological Center who studies the Catholic hierarchy, said the archbishop has been restrained in his comments.

"He isn't going on the talk shows and making a big deal of it. That's both a plus and a minus. He's not pouring gasoline on the controversy, but he's losing the spin game," he said.

"The first presentation of this in the media was that the mean, homophobic Catholic archbishop threatens to starve little children because the city council wants equality for gays, rather than pointing out that it's the city council that is changing the rules and threatening these programs."

Since then, the archbishop has written a column for the Washington Post. The Post, which supports same-sex marriage, ran an editorial scolding the city council for "complacency" about its ability to replace Catholic Charities. They "ought to be able to find a way to ... to satisfy fairness without offending church principles," it said.

The archdiocese insists it isn't threatening to abandon the poor. "We will continue serving and seek more resources if we are restricted from working with the city," said Susan Gibbs, the archdiocesan spokeswoman.

But Catholic Charities gets $22 million of its $52 million budget from city contracts. While it will seek other funding if it loses city contracts, "realistically, we see no possibility that we would be able to continue services as they are," said Ed Orzechoski, president and CEO of Catholic Charities.

"We remain very hopeful that the negotiations with members of the DC council will lead to a resolution."

The issue has obscured the archbishop's nuanced history with gay Catholics.

He became a bishop in 1986 when Pope John Paul II made him an auxiliary bishop with unprecedented powers. He dispatched him to Seattle, where the pope believed the archbishop had failed to address dissent on matters including homosexuality. The major news media swarmed Seattle to cover an ensuing rebellion among Seattle clergy.

But he never stopped the Masses for Seattle's gay Catholics. In Pittsburgh he resisted calls to denounce a group for gay Catholics, New Ways Ministry, when it held its national symposium in a Pittsburgh hotel. New Ways is based in the Archdiocese of Washington, where it had been denounced or ignored by previous administrations.

After writing to the new archbishop, New Ways Executive Director Francis DeBernardo was invited to meet with one of his top aides. "We saw it as the first opening in the Archdiocese of Washington for a more sensitive approach to gay and lesbian ministry," Mr. DeBernardo said.

He was later dismayed by what he called a "hardball" approach to city council. But he appreciated a letter that the archbishop wrote to gay Catholics, acknowledging that church teaching on marriage "may be difficult" and inviting them into parish life.

"His admission that the teaching is difficult is remarkable," Mr. DeBernardo said. "No other bishop I know of has admitted that. Most just assume that the reason people disagree is due to stubbornness."

The archbishop is puzzled that some Washingtonians don't view him as active in public concerns. Within a month of his installation he wrote columns for the archdiocesan newspaper explaining church opposition to embryonic stem cell research. He has joined Maryland bishops in speaking against the death penalty and addressed the Council on Foreign Affairs about world peace. He wrote for politicsdaily.com, endorsing health-care reform but saying it must include all immigrants and exclude federal funding of abortion.

"I was surprised by a recent article saying that the archbishop hasn't been that involved politically. I think what they meant to say is that the archbishop hasn't been lobbying politicians," Archbishop Wuerl said. "I don't mind talking privately to a politician about issues, but I don't lobby. I teach."

Sen. Bob Casey Jr., D-Pa., recalled Mr. Wuerl's popularity in Pittsburgh -- based on the cheers and waves he got in Labor Day parades -- and said the archbishop is "a wonderful guy, a great spiritual leader and someone I admire greatly." Since Mr. Wuerl arrived in D.C., Mr. Casey said he has spoken with him a couple of times about faith and family, but not politics.

U.S. Rep. Mike Doyle, D-Swissvale, said that in Pittsburgh he could talk easily with Bishop Wuerl even when they disagreed. But he hasn't heard from him in Washington.

His style in Pittsburgh was "to pull you aside quietly and have a conversation with you and get his point across, but to do so in a manner that wouldn't be embarrassing," Mr. Doyle said.

That has led to denunciations from the Catholic right, of the sort that can cause bishops problems in Rome. As he did in Pittsburgh, the archbishop has said that Catholic legislators who support legal abortion should refrain from communion, but he won't tell his priests to withhold the sacrament. Communion isn't a political "weapon," he said.

The archbishop's stand took the heat off pastors, said Monsignor Ronald Jameson, rector of St. Matthew Cathedral, four blocks from the White House.

"We don't have to guess what he wants," he said.

"It's not easy being a teacher in the nation's capital, but he's never flinched from it. That's what he's doing now, explaining what marriage means."

Saturday, December 5, 2009

Prop. 8 Challenge Puts Homosexuality On Trial

By Gabriel Arana, The American Prospect:

On Nov. 4, 2008, when the polls closed on the West Coast and media outlets reported that California voters had passed Proposition 8, gay-rights supporters across the country were stunned. How could the purported gay haven of California -- home to Hollywood, Harvey Milk, and the Castro -- have rejected same-sex marriage?

It was an odd cultural moment, infused with the countervailing energy and promise of Barack Obama's victory. While progressives across the country danced in the streets chanting, "Yes We Can," angry gay-rights supporters gathered on the steps of the state Capitol in Sacramento carrying signs that expressed their indignation: "No More Mr. Nice Gay." As Obama declared in his victory speech, the ground had shifted, but in the Golden State, it had moved in opposite directions.

After months of scapegoating, soul-searching, and regrouping, gay-rights leaders settled on a two-part strategy: Fight the measure in state court and work on overturning it at the ballot box in 2010 or 2012. The state Supreme Court challenge to Prop. 8, which argued that the measure was not an "amendment" to the California Constitution but a "revision" requiring legislative approval, was widely considered a long shot. Few were surprised when the court upheld Prop. 8.

What did come as a surprise was the news, that same day, that two relative strangers to civil-rights litigation, David Boies and Ted Olson, had filed a suit against the amendment in federal court. It was a decision so rash that it could only have come from outsiders. Olson, a prominent figure in the conservative legal movement, had represented George W. Bush in Bush v. Gore, a case in which he faced off against Boies, a high-profile lawyer who made his name defending Wall Street, not civil rights. They intend to take their challenge to Prop. 8 all the way: The case, Perry v. Schwarzenegger, is scheduled to go to trial in January, and it is widely expected to move on to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals and the Supreme Court.

After the announcement, nine organizations -- including Lambda Legal, Human Rights Campaign, and the American Civil Liberties Union -- shot back with a joint memo warning, "There is a very significant chance that if we go to the Supreme Court and lose, the Court will say that discrimination against LGBT people is fairly easy to justify."

At the press conference announcing the suit in Los Angeles, Olson dismissed this concern with a dash of self-mockery. "Both David and I have studied the court for more years than probably either one of us would like to admit," he said. "We think we know what we are doing."

For decades, groups like the ACLU and Lambda have taken an incremental approach to fighting for gay rights in court, concentrating on establishing legal precedents and popular support in states before going federal. In California, Connecticut, New York, and Iowa, gay-rights attorneys have pursued many big-ticket cases, with mixed results. But in federal courts, their aims have been more modest; it was only in 2003 that Lambda succeeded in decriminalizing sodomy nationwide.

To some, both within the movement and outside it, this tentative approach has been frustrating. As Olson said, "People should not have to beg to be treated equally or wait for decades for popular approval to be treated equally." But even among those of us who believe LGBT Americans deserve equal rights now, the fear is that jumping the gun will lead to harmful court precedents and social backlash, as it did when the Hawaii Supreme Court ruled in favor of civil unions in 1993. Over the next 10 years, bills banning same-sex marriage were passed in 40 state legislatures. Some also blame the Hawaii decision for inspiring the 1996 Defense of Marriage Act, which prevents the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages performed in the states. Strategy matters, gay-rights leaders say, because the threat of backlash hasn't gone away.

"The debate is never about whether equality means equality for gay people, too. There have been debates about timing as long as there have been queer people to have a conversation," says Jennifer Pizer, the Lambda attorney who argued the state-level challenge to Prop. 8. "The question always is a matter of how much development of the doctrine and how much social and political change should be achieved before asking the ultimate question."

Perry v. Schwarzenegger indeed asks the "ultimate question" of whether gays have a federal right to marry, but because the case is alleging that Prop. 8 violated the equal-protection clause of the U.S. Constitution, the federal court decision will have implications for gay Americans in nearly every arena of public life, from housing to parenting to military service. The court is set to consider questions as wide-ranging as what it means to be gay and whether it affects one's contribution to society. It's not just marriage rights on trial; it's homosexuality itself.

Organizations like Lambda and the ACLU may have had their reservations about bringing the case so soon, but the groups grudgingly attempted to join Olson's federal challenge because it will have such widespread implications. However, Northern California District Court Judge Vaughn Walker ruled in August that their interests were already represented and barred all groups except for the San Francisco city attorney's office from entering the suit. This leaves Boies and Olson at the helm of the largest gay-rights case to date.

Attorneys at Lambda and the ACLU expressed dismay at Judge Walker's ruling but have offered their advice to Boies and Olson and plan to continue filing amicus briefs, even if they are not official parties to the suit. However, gay-rights advocates not directly involved in the litigation -- and not bound by legal etiquette -- are more wary. "It's very sweet to think that we're going to win on moral grounds, but it's naive," says E.J. Graff, resident scholar at the Brandeis Women's Studies Research Center. "They have no real grasp of the bias facing lesbians and gay men, or of how to make lasting social change."

The fact that two straight, white-shoe lawyers have taken on the case shows the broad support gay rights have gained. But there is also the sense that Boies and Olson stand to lose nothing. The possible reward, on the other hand, is clear: For two attorneys who have pursued high-profile cases throughout their careers, this could be the defining win that puts them in history books. Perry v. Schwarzenegger is one of the rare cases that redraws battle lines and upsets traditional alliances. Like Brown v. Board of Education or Roe v. Wade, it has the potential to change American life.

***
The stakes are high. If Perry v. Schwarzenegger reaches the Supreme Court and Boies and Olson are successful, gays and lesbians nationwide would not only have the right to marry, they stand to gain many of the legal rights they have sought for decades. Don't Ask, Don't Tell would be invalidated, as would employment discrimination against gays and lesbians. In the eyes of the law, gay people would be equal to straight people, and any legislation that discriminated against them could be challenged and easily struck down against this precedent. However, defeat could legitimize such discrimination against LGBT Americans, making it far more difficult to sue for parental or housing rights. The door to any federal litigation on marriage equality would be shut for decades.

This is risky because Boies and Olson are entering a legal no-man's land. The coalition of lawyers who fought to overturn Prop. 8 at the state level decided not to mount a federal challenge "because federal litigation puts in play the federal doctrines that as yet are underdeveloped," Pizer says. Marriage and family law tend to be state law, she explains, and the federal framework is sketchy.

This is why the judge in the case has asked the plaintiffs (Boies' firm, Boies, Schiller & Flexner, and Olson's firm, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher, and the City of San Francisco) and the defendants (supporters of Prop. 8, represented in this case by Charles Cooper, former assistant attorney general under Ronald Reagan, and the conservative Alliance Defense Fund) to address a broad range of issues, from whether gay people make suitable parents to whether a person's sexuality is susceptible to change. In effect, the court's primary undertaking will be to define "gay" -- and to determine whether it is in the interest of the state to discriminate against people who fall into that category.

The law allows discrimination so long as it serves a reasonable purpose, such as ensuring public safety by preventing 5-year-olds from driving. The defense is arguing that it's reasonable to discriminate against gay couples because restricting marriage rights to heterosexual couples "promotes stability and responsible behavior in naturally procreative relationships" and maintains the bond between children and their biological parents.

Boies and Olson are arguing that such discriminatory laws are illegal because gay Americans constitute a "suspect class," a group of people -- such as racial minorities, religious groups, and foreign-born citizens -- who qualify for special protection. Laws that target these groups are immediately "suspect" and have to serve a "compelling state interest" -- national security, for instance. Passing the law in question must be the only way of achieving the end. In practice, this standard is so high that once a group of people has been deemed a suspect class, courts nearly always find in its favor.

The legal issues in Perry mirror those in Loving v. Virginia, the 1967 case that struck down miscegenation laws. In Loving, the court ruled that there was no compelling state interest for outlawing interracial marriage and that marriage was a fundamental right. But unlike Loving, by which time race had already been established as a suspect classification, the Supreme Court has not previously considered whether gay people are a suspect class. Courts, though, have generally granted suspect classification to groups that are well-defined and possess an "immutable" trait; share a history of discrimination; and are politically powerless to protect themselves. In essence, Boies and Olson must prove that gay Americans deserve the same rights as everybody else because they are, paradoxically, different. The plaintiffs have said they will have psychologists and scientists testify that being gay isn't something you can change. To establish political powerlessness, Boies and Olson point out that there are no openly gay senators, governors, or Cabinet members and that gays and lesbians have been unable to get nondiscrimination legislation passed on a national level -- facts that the defense has not challenged.

Even if Boies and Olson are not able to establish suspect classification, there is a Supreme Court precedent against discriminatory laws whose sole motivation is ill will. (In 1996, the court ruled in Romer v. Evans that a Colorado ban on nondiscrimination ordinances was driven solely by anti-gay sentiment and therefore did not have a rational basis.) That's why Boies and Olson also plan to show that Prop. 8 was motivated by prejudice. Despite pushback from the defense, the "Yes on 8" campaign has been ordered to turn over internal e-mail communications and strategy documents as well as allow its leaders to be questioned on the stand. Lawyers for the defense have said this tactic has a "chilling effect on [free] speech" and have called it a "fishing expedition," but those who support it say it will expose the anti-gay motivation that lies at the heart of matter.

Legal experts say getting judges to recognize gays as a suspect class will be a tough sell; the Supreme Court has long refused to make age or disability a protected category. And even those who think the legal arguments are compelling say that swaying a conservative Supreme Court is the real challenge. "If you just look at the criteria, they'll be able to make a very powerful case," says William Eskridge, a professor at Yale Law School who was involved in gay-marriage litigation in the early 1990s. "[But] if the case comes to the Supreme Court in the next three years, given its membership, the conventional wisdom is that they don't have five votes."

But Boies and Olson maintain that the legal landscape has changed significantly in the wake of court decisions like Romer and Lawrence v. Texas, which decriminalized sodomy in 2003. These cases, they argue, have chipped away at the legal justifications for discriminating against gays and lesbians, making the court more likely to see them as a persecuted minority. "We think we have a very strong argument based on the factors the court has identified in establishing a suspect class," says Theodore Boutrous, a partner at Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher who is co-counsel with Olson. "We are confident the courts will agree with us."

Prop. 8 defendants are fighting the classification of gays as a protected minority on two grounds. First, they say, gays are not politically powerless. "They're pointing out so far that Harvey Milk was elected," Boutrous says. "That's a weak argument."

Second, the defense argues, homosexuality is not an unchangeable characteristic. This is where things get weird. Defense lawyers plan to subpoena California's domestic-partnership and marriage registries and note any matches. They also argue that sexual orientation falls on a continuum and that sexuality is "fluid," a decidedly nontraditional view that has taken root in college queer-studies departments but not the sort of thing you'd ever hear from Focus on the Family's James Dobson.

Eskridge calls the debate about whether homosexuality is immutable a "lavender herring." He points out that religion is fairly easy to change, yet Catholics and Jews are considered protected minorities. The real question both sides should be looking at, he says, is whether sexuality is a central component of one's identity. As Olson pointed out at an October pre-trial hearing in which the defense sought to dismiss the case, "An individual does not experience constant shifts in his or her sexual orientation."

Boies and Olson, however, are hedging their bets. If the courts find that gays do not qualify as a suspect class and do not have a fundamental right to get married, then all the Alliance Defense Fund has to do is show that barring gays from marrying serves some reasonable purpose, which is why both sides are also arguing about what marriage is for.

As one might expect, the defense has argued vigorously that marriage is for procreation and that extending it to gay couples is a risky social experiment. But their arguments in court share little of the vitriol of the "Yes on 8" ads, which warned California voters that children would be taught about homosexuality in school and that pastors would be required to perform same-sex marriages. In contrast, those representing Prop. 8 in court have stipulated that being gay does not affect one's social or vocational abilities and that it's not a mental illness. And while they assert that sexuality is malleable, they acknowledge it might be harmful to try to change it (a radical departure from the talking points of many organizations that supported Prop. 8, which maintain that people can be "cured" of homosexuality). There's also been little talk about whether it's morally wrong to be gay and no mention of the "homosexual agenda."

Instead, attorneys who oppose gay rights increasingly use "judicial activism" or "religious liberty" as a proxy for talking about gay marriage. Defense co-counsel David Thompson says he would not personally support gay marriage if it were enacted by a legislature or via referendum, as it was recently in Vermont, but "it would be lawful." He continues, "It's perfectly permissible for people to make that determination."

Eskridge thinks the defendants are afraid of being perceived as bigoted. "Now that we've had legislatures starting to do this, the opponents see the likelihood that a large chunk of America will recognize same-sex marriage," he says. "They do not [want to] go down in history as the George Wallaces of the same-sex marriage episode."

***
There is something farcical about having a court make a determination about the nature of human sexuality and the purpose of marriage. These are perennial topics of philosophical and academic debate, hotly contested in college classrooms, across the dining-room table, and sometimes on cable news. The soaring rhetoric of the culture wars has made cameos in the courtroom, but most of the discussion has been prosaic. The law, for all its gravitas, is ultimately about deciding who has to pay for the fender bender, not whether it would have been better to walk.

Prop. 8's defenders seem most self-assured when speaking in broad axioms. According to the motion filed by the defense in Perry, "the purpose of marriage [has] always been to promote naturally procreative sexual relationships," and "every civilized society in recorded history [has] limited marriage to opposite-sex relationships." But when asked concrete questions, as the defense was at a pre-trial hearing in October, lawyers have been hard-pressed to come up with an answer.

"All right, let's play on the same playing field for once," Judge Walker told lead defense counsel Charles Cooper. "I'm asking you to tell me how it would harm opposite-sex marriages."

"Your honor, my answer is: I don't know," Cooper responded. "I don't know."

Thompson explains that the difficulty in answering the judge's question stems from the fact that same-sex marriage is a relatively new phenomenon, one that has not been studied extensively by social science. But in the same hearing, Cooper was also at a loss when Judge Walker asked him to justify the view that marriage was for procreation.

"The last marriage that I performed ... involved a groom who was 95, and the bride was 83," Walker said. "I did not demand that they prove that they intended to engage in procreative activity. Now, was I missing something?"

"No," Cooper answered.

Outside the courtroom, gay-rights opponents have very different answers to Judge Walker's questions. "The law affects marriage primarily through its capacity to 'name a shared reality,'" says Maggie Gallagher, president and founder of the National Organization for Marriage, which opposes same-sex marriage. "Gay-marriage advocates understand this on their side of the issue -- the name matters, because words matter, symbols matter, naming reality matters."

The quandary for the court in January is, in effect, how to name a reality that we do not all share. The real fight is not over marriage itself. Perry v. Schwarzenegger is only about gay marriage in the sense that Roe v. Wade was about privacy, or Brown v. Board of Education was about school choice. The case is really about the place of gay people in society. Just as reproductive rights allowed women not to be defined by childbirth and desegregation meant skin color no longer determined where you sat on the bus, legal equality for gays would mean that, at least in theory, one's sexual orientation would not determine where he or she fit in.

But it's important to remember that Roe did not guarantee gender equality, nor did Brown end racism in America. Women are still promoted and paid less than men, and a large share of African Americans are still entrenched in poverty. After the stinging marriage-equality setback in Maine on Nov. 3, gay-rights supporters are looking to the federal courts with renewed hope. But Perry will not be a panacea, either.

As Eskridge points out, the best turn the Prop. 8 case could take is that it would be rendered moot by California voters in 2010 or 2012. But even if Boies and Olson lose the case, it would not be the disaster that some gay-rights supporters fear. A Supreme Court loss could galvanize a movement that, at least in California, was dumbstruck that gay rights didn't just come as a matter of course. Indeed, as legislatures and city councils in D.C., New York, and Washington state move to enact gay rights, the promise of equality seems to lie increasingly in local, grass-roots efforts. Decades of fervent activism are what made the legislative victories in Vermont and New Hampshire possible, and they are an indication of public support that no court can grant. It is better not to be the victim of discrimination in the first place than to have the law on your side when you are.

The assumption among gay-rights supporters -- and the time frame that's often thrown around -- is that "in 20 years" we will have full equality. If anything, however, the Prop. 8 imbroglio and its legal fallout should serve as a reminder that equality isn't a once-and-for-all achievement. Rights can be rescinded, the ground can shift again. Nor is it an eventuality. Despite Martin Luther King Jr.'s assurance, the arc of history does not bend in any direction -- much less toward justice -- on its own.

Reprinted with permission from Gabriel Arana, "Gay on Trial," The American Prospect, Volume 20, Number 10: November 23, 2009. www.prospect.org. The American Prospect 1710 Rhode Island Ave. NW. Floor 12, Washington, DC 20036. All rights reserved.

Gabriel Arana is the editorial assistant at The American Prospect.

Friday, December 4, 2009

The Real "Christian" Agenda?

How Do Venango County's Anti-Gay "Christian" Groups Explain Their Association With Those Calling For Death To Gay People in Uganda? And Do Such Efforts Offer A Glimpse Of The World They Are Trying To Create Here?

Thursday, December 3, 2009

Tuesday, December 1, 2009

World AIDS Day - Small Town America

The Facts and the Fears

by Randa Morris:

AIDS may not seem like much of an issue - until someone you care about dies from it. Once that happens, in a small suburban town like mine, then suddenly the issue becomes critical, and the need for a true response seems immense.


Almost one year ago today I lost a close friend to AIDS. She left behind a teenage son, dealing not only with the loss of his mother, but with the embarrassment associated with her disease, and the fear of having been "infected" as well. My friend went to her grave far too quickly,
leaving so many of us wondering how this could happen... Why this could happen...

Thinking, in brutal honesty, that it could have been me instead of her. Questioning the universe on the day of her funeral- Why wasn't it me, instead of her? I've not led a perfect life. I've had unprotected sex in the past. At 40 years old, how many of us can say we haven't, even one time? Yet I didn't get sick, I didn't recieve my "just rewards" but she, my dear friend, did.

There are so many issues when someone is diagnosed with HIV. Issues that affect that person, and issues that affect their families, friends, neighbors, coworkers... In rural America HIV can go undiagnosed for far too long. My friends case was just one unfortunate example. When she began to sick, doctors ignored her complaints. I suppose some thought she was a hypochondriac, or a chronic complainer. Something like that I imagine. When her sickness did not go away after 2 weeks, then 4 weeks, then 6 months, doctors performed tests of one sort or another. How long did they wait to perform an AIDS test? In small town America it must just seem next to impossible that it would be HIV- so they didn't check that option, until far too late. She was full blown AIDS by that time, and passed away just a few short months after she was finally diagnosed.

My friend told people she had cancer. Those who thought she was dying of cancer were kind and compassionate. Later, when she revealed to some that she had AIDS and no more than a year to live, there were those people who treated her unkindly. People who said it was her own doing. People that blamed her for her own death.

There were issues with her son as well. In the beginning he was terrified that he had the disease. He feared for himself, and for his girlfriend, whom he had had a long time relationship with. He wanted to be able to talk to others about his pain, his suffering, but his mother feared people's reactions toward him, and told him not to tell people what was really wrong with him.



Fear took over my friend's life. Fear of death. Fear of other people's reactions toward her, toward her child. Fear of what would happen to her son after she died. Fear for others that she had been with, aware of the possibility that she had spread the disease to those few people she had loved the most in her life- loved enough to be intimate with.

In little towns like yours and mine the response to AIDS needs to be the same as the response to any disease; cancer victims, heart patients, diabetics- love and compassion, kindness and understanding.

Education is crucial, when someone in your town has HIV. People need to know the facts, in order to overcome their fears. Ignorance is the enemy. Silence and secrecy is not the answer.

Learn about Randa Morris HERE.

Learn About The Northwest Pennsylvania Rural AIDS Alliance HERE.